听听纳吉先生怎么说吧！

这是纳吉先生接受阿拉伯半岛电视台访谈的一个节目。
主持人的问题很有水平，纳吉先生生的回答是不是一样有水平呢？
请读者留言告诉我。

APRIL 2 — The following is a transcript of satellite news channel Al Jazeera’s interview with Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak.

FI: Fauziah Ibrahim

NR: Najib Razak

FI: Sir, thank you very much for joining us today.

NR: My pleasure.

FI: In your outline for the New Economic Model, you emphasised inclusiveness in the plan, for all races. But you’ve also kept affirmative action for the bumiputeras — which is made up of about 53 per cent Malays and 12 per cent of the indigenous people. But then you’ve also said that affirmative action in your plan is different from the one from previous. What’s so different?

NR: It’s different because you know we’ve learnt from implementing the affirmative action in the past. We know where the weaknesses are.

FI: What are the weaknesses?

NR: Well, I think basically, you know, we have to change the way we implement it so that it is more attuned with the current market, especially the market expectations – that it should be market friendly. It should be based on merit. It should be more transparent. It should also be on needs basis. And, you know, I’ve emphasised that we have to be fair. When we implement affirmative action, it means for the bumiputera and when we say bumiputera it’s not just for the Malays. It must also include the other indigenous people especially in Sabah and Sarawak.

FI: Well, there has been criticism that the way it’s been implemented has been corrupted, has been abused in the past. Would you agree with that?

NR: There’ve been shortcomings, yes. I’m not entirely disappointed with the results. I think if you look at it across the board a new generation of bumiputeras have emerged. You know, the entire middle class, for example, would not be there if not for the New Economic Policy. And quite a number of bumiputeras in the corporate field, managing huge enterprises with a great sense of confidence now.

FI: There is no doubt that some bumiputeras have definitely benefited from the plan itself. But you know there are some who sort of say after nearly forty years of affirmative action, why is there still a need for affirmative action for the Malays and the indigenous people?

NR: It’s because, you know, the goals have not been fully achieved, number one. Number two, in an unbridled capitalistic market economy, without some degree of affirmative action, then you will get this marginalisation to appear once again. And that’s going to be quite catastrophic for our society because our society is predicated on stability. I think stability is a bed rock in terms of where Malaysia has come from. In the past we went through a very painful experience.

FI: Are you talking about racial stability?

NR: I’m talking about political and racial. I mean racial stability is part of political stability. And that’s so important because if you have, stability benefits all.

FI: Many people have said that the affirmative action has led to a generation of Malays who feel that they are entitled to these special privileges. There are some minority groups who feel sidelined. They feel second classed because of the affirmative action. These are what the critics are saying about affirmative action. Do you really think that there is still a need for affirmative action? Why not just make it affirmative action for all races?

NR: Well, when I said that it should be implemented in a fairer way, I mean if you talk about affirmative action, it should benefit you know 65 per cent of the population, right. And then there’s of course the non-bumiputeras and you must have programmes for them as well. And because they are in a market economy, if you give, promote private sector investment for example, and opportunities for the private sector, and naturally the non-bumiputeras will benefit from it. So to say that we have excluded the non-bumiputeras from government policy is entirely wrong.

FI: But there has been some opposition from Malay rights groups who fear that perhaps these special privileges, their rights, may be taken away from them as well.

NR: No, I didn’t say they’ll be taken away.

FI: Well this is what they fear. This is what they’re saying.

NR: Yeah, I mean it is up to us now to engage them.

FI: This is what PERKASA is saying.

NR: But Perkasa is not so extreme, if you listen to them carefully. They can shout about Malay rights as long as they are not extreme in their views and you know to the extent that we can accommodate Perkasa. And we can accommodate also the non-Malays as well. I do engage the non-Malay groups as well, so as Prime Minster, I’ve always said I’m Prime Minister for all Malaysians.

FI: But Perkasa has said as the group that represents the Malay groups that fear their special privileges may be taken away from them, they have said that you know in the next election, they may not support Umno because of the actions that you may be taking.

NR: No, no, that’s not true. They are by and large supportive of Umno and they believe that Umno is the only vehicle that can really, not only promote Malay interest but really hold this country together. I think Umno is a strong party. Umno is well-established. Umno can deal with the emergence of Perkasa as well as other groups as well.

FI: Prime Minister, we’re going to have to take a break there. When we come back we’ll have more when we speak with Malaysia’s Prime Minister Najib Razak. Stay with 101 East.

FI: Welcome back to 101 East. This week we are talking with Malaysia’s Prime Minister Najib Razak as he completes his first year in office.

Prime Minister you’ve introduced the concept of 1 Malaysia. What is 1 Malaysia to you?

NR: 1 Malaysia is about a sense that we are together as one people, as one nation. And I’ve said that it is based, it’s predicated on a change of mindset. And a very minimum would be tolerance. In other words, you tolerate one another. You know, the differences, racial differences, religious differences, you tolerate. But that is a basic minimum. Then you go on to the next stage which is to accept it. You know, you accept diversity as something good for the country. That’s the next, the next echelon if you like, in terms of value system, in terms of mindset. And ultimately, the final if you like, will be to celebrate diversity. I mean if you celebrate diversity, means you are entirely comfortable with the notion of a multi racial, multi religious society.

FI: But surely sir, after 50 years of independence, Malaysia needs to be thought how to live harmoniously?

NR: Absolutely. The fact…

FI: Why? Why after five decades of independence?

NR: Come on. Come on. Look what happened in Europe. I mean Yugoslavia broke up, okay. You have problems in Northern Ireland. You have extremists even in America. You have modern-day Klu Klux Klan as well in America, okay. There are extremists in any society and including us. And the very fact that there are some extremists in our society means you need 1 Malaysia.

FI: Well, you also lead a party that champions Malay rights, Malay needs, Malay interests. And you’re also trying to push the agenda of a united Malaysia.

NR: It’s not a zero-sum game.

FI: Do you see the irony of it?

NR: It’s not a zero-sum game. It’s not. It’s a reality. It’s not a zero-sum game because if you promote the interest of the Malays, it’s not at the exclusion of the non-Malays. I think there’s enough resources for us to help everyone in this country. And I think, I’m confident in fact, you know with the policies based on the spirit and philosophy of 1 Malaysia, that everyone will have a rightful place under the Malaysian sun.

FI: But you can’t get away from the fact that Malaysia runs on race based politics.

NR: Well that’s history. I mean I can’t change history overnight. I have to take it from where it is or where it was when I took over and slowly get Malaysians to be together in this journey to transform Malaysia.

FI: How long will it take before Malaysia can be rid of race based politics? Before someone stops seeing someone as a Malay or an Indian or a Chinese and says they are Malaysian first.

NR: It’s an evolution, it’s a change of mindset. You cannot legislate. You cannot make laws. It’s a change in mindset and I think it might take a bit of time but for as long as we live in a peaceful harmonious society, it doesn’t matter. You can be a Malay, a Chinese or an Indian but as long as you believe that you are a Malaysian.

FI: Let me then just ask you, are you a Malay first and a Malaysian second?

NR: Well technically, if we talk about the constitution, I am a Malay but I’m comfortable being a Malay in a Malaysian society. And I want us to work towards becoming a truly One Malaysia society. But I’m proud to be a Malay. I’m proud to be a Muslim. But the fact that I’m proud to be a Malay and a Muslim it doesn’t mean I cannot relate to others.

FI: However there is this large group of Malays feel that with you pushing that, their special privileges, that their rights might be trampled upon.

NR: I never said I was going to change the constitution. I never said that. I said that 1 Malaysia is predicated on the constitution of Malaysia and the constitution has provision to protect Malay special rights. And those things will be in the constitution.

FI: But some people have said that is that statement in the constitution that is the basis for the social and racial problems that are in Malaysia today. That make the Chinese, the Indians feel sidelined.

NR: No, I think it is the way you implement things. I think if you implement things in a fairer way, you can reach out you know, to the Malays, to the non-Malays as well. Don’t forget, when we implemented the New Economic Policy back in the 70s and 80s, and even in the 90s before the Asian Financial Crisis, it coincided with the growth rates in Malaysia being at break neck speed, you know 8-9 per cent was the norm in those days. So, New Economic Policy, affirmative action has never really hampered the growth of Malaysia into a modern economy.

FI: There are critics who have accused Umno of becoming arrogant, self-indulgent after over 50 years of being in power and that Umno has lost touch with the ground sentiment. Take for example the last elections; Umno did lose a lot of seats in those elections. Umno has also lost the last 8 out of 10 by-elections as well. Is Umno still relevant in Malaysia?

NR: Of course, I truly believe so. We did badly, ok, to some extent that’s true. But it’s a party that’s been in power for so long so the challenge is for us to present Umno as a progressive, dynamic party and not for us to be in this kind of a syndrome that we’re too complacent or we feel that whatever we do, we’re going to get the support of the people. I keep on telling people that if we don’t change, we’ll be changed by the people. I’m very frank and I admit we have shortcomings because otherwise we wouldn’t have done badly. But in the international context, people would love to have the kind of majority we have in parliament.

FI: I want to go back to talk about the NEM which you are trying to implement to try and attract more foreign investment in Malaysia, to make Malaysia a more globally competitive economy. But many financial analysts have been rather lukewarm in their response to your recent outline. And they are actually pointing to more deep-seated problems like a perceived lack of judicial independence in the country, a seemingly growing rise in Islamic fundamentalism, and they also point to the fact that Malaysia has slid down the corruption index last year. In 2008 you were at 47. In 2009, you find yourself at 56. How do change these perceptions?

NR: Metaphorically, I’ve described this like a façade of a house. You have the roof which is the overarching philosophy of 1 Malaysi — people first, performance now. Then you have the two pillars. One is the government transformation programme, another one the economic transformation programme. And you have the floor which is the tenth and eleventh Malaysian plans. So the government transformation programme is designed to address. And one of the issues is corruption, to reduce corruption and reduce the crime rate in Malaysia, plus the other six, altogether six key result areas. So we’ve recognized it and this is work in progress. It’s too early. It is work in progress but I’m generally quite happy with the progress thus far.

FI: While you’re implementing the NEM to try to attract foreign investors and to try to boost their confidence in Malaysia, the world is also watching very closely the trial of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim. How do you think this trial is affecting Malaysia on the international stage?

NR: Well, I think we have to make people understand that it’s not the Malaysian government against Anwar Ibrahim. This is not a political trial. It’s about a young, well not intern but a young officer chosen by him in his office, a 22 year-old man who feel very aggrieved, made a police report against his employer. And that was the genesis of the present case. It’s got nothing to do with the government. If that person did not make a police report, there’d be no case against Anwar Ibrahim.

FI: You can’t get away from the fact that this is the second time Anwar Ibrahim is going to court. And it seems like…

NR: I know. It should not be compared.

FI: It is being compared to the previous case.

NR: I mean it shouldn’t because this is the message we’re telling. It’s got… it’s not the same as the first trial. This is an individual in his own office, appointed by him, who has felt very strongly that he has been made to do certain things that he found totally unacceptable, made the police report and investigation was launched. And as you know under the law, whether it is Saiful or whether it is Anwar Ibrahim, everybody has the same right under the law.

FI: Do you think the first case was political?

NR: I don’t think it was political, the first case. But there was maybe lack of corroborative evidence, if you like. And I think this case, I wouldn’t like to comment on it because it would be considered sub-judice but we want it to be a fair process. We want it to be transparent and the Malaysian government knows at the end of the day, we’re going to be judged. International is one thing but the people in Malaysia will judge us and we realise that.

FI: You come from political aristocracy. What do you think your legacy will be?

NR: I haven’t gone that far yet to think. I don’t think I want to put the cart before the horse. What I’d like to do is get on with the 4 pillars I mentioned as part of our main agenda of the government and let the people judge me in time to come.

FI: Prime Minister thank you very much for speaking with us.

NR: Thank you.